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Thread: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

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    Lightbulb Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    The "choanday choanday" namoonay are given below:

    Start of page 76

    TABLE 3.3 (Continued)

    Family Member and
    Companiesa Principal Foreign Partnersb

    Sudwikatmono Lawry’s Prime Rib, Morrison Knudsen, Planet
    Cousin of Suharto Hollywood, Sotheby’s, Asahi Glass, Pohang Iron
    288 companies and Steel, Axiom Properties
    Hashim Djojohadikusumo Cabot Corporation, Metropolitan Life, MEC, Son-in-law’s brother New Hope Corporation
    9 companies
    Ari Sigit EDC International, Leever Continental, Kuk
    Grandson Kong Construction
    28 companies

    aMichael Backman, Asian Eclipse: Exposing the Dark Side of Business in Asia (Singapore: John
    Wiley & Sons, 1999), 262–266.
    bBackman, Asian Eclipse, 293–294 is the source of information in this listing, except where otherwise noted.
    cPeter Engardio and Michael Shari, “The Suharto Empire,” BusinessWeek, August 19, 1996,
    dGeorge J. Aditjondro, “US Business Links of the Suharto and Habibie Families and Their
    Cronies,” Southeast Asian Science Policy Advisory Network, July 1998,
    /0798/OT0819LL.htm, (accessed July 8, 2003; no longer available online).


    Arguably the most dangerous nation on Earth, Pakistan is a bubbling caul- dron of corruption and crime, where grasping politicians, greedy generals, drug smugglers, and terrorists intermix in a volatile web, made more threat- ening by a nuclear bazaar operated as a national sideline. Corruption and criminality run from the top down, with the political class constantly loot-

    ing the national treasury and distorting economic policy for personal gain. Bank loans are granted largely on the basis of status and connections. The rich stash much of their money abroad in those willing western coffers, while exhibiting little inclination to repay their rupee borrowings. Banks fail and Pakistanis lose their meager savings. At the bottom, wretched and illiter- ate masses seethe with discontent, a perfect nurturing ground for terrorism.
    It started a long time ago:

    In the distant past the East India Company used to siphon away a great deal of the assets and treasures of the Indian subcontinent or buy them at very low prices and send them abroad when the British ruled the country.
    But in recent decades it is the rich and crafty Pakistanis who have si- phoned away a large part of the resources of the country with unremit- ting vigor. That began when a part of our export earnings was allowed to be kept abroad, with the practice of under-invoicing the exports or over-invoicing the imports. And that was followed by retaining abroad an increasing part of the money obtained as kickbacks during the im- port of machinery from the late 1950s.
    Later, politicians in office, senior bureaucrats and top military com- manders joined them by sending their illegally earned money abroad. Subsequently, obtaining large bribes abroad and putting them in their bank accounts there became the fashion. Some of the top rulers too joined them merrily. . . .
    The total wealth siphoned away in this manner has been estimated to be between 60 billion and 100 billion dollars.51

    Pakistan’s recent history has been dominated by two families—the Bhuttos and the Sharifs—both merely tolerated by the military, the real power in the country. When it comes to economic destruction, there’s not a lot of difference among the three.

    Benazir Bhutto. Born in Karachi in 1953 and educated in private schools, Benazir Bhutto graduated from Radcliffe College at Harvard Uni- versity in 1973. Going on to Oxford for a master’s degree, she displayed her budding political skills and was elected president of the Student Union in
    1977. Meanwhile, her father had become prime minister of Pakistan in

    1971, was ousted in a military coup in 1977, and was executed in 1979 on charges of conspiracy to commit murder. In and out of prison and house ar- rest, Benazir was not allowed to leave the country until 1984 but then re- turned to lead the democracy movement two years later. Her father’s usurper, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, was killed in a mysterious plane crash in 1988, which also took the life of the U.S. ambassador Arnold Raphel, and the head of the U.S. military aid mission to Pakistan, General H.M. Wasson. Benazir was elected prime minister that year, served until her ouster in 1990 on charges of corruption and nepotism, was reelected in
    1993, and ousted again in 1996, amidst more charges of corruption. During her two terms in office and since, what has come out portrays Bhutto and her husband Asif Ali Zardari as world-class thieves.
    Upon taking office in 1988, Bhutto reportedly appointed 26,000 party hacks to state jobs, including positions in state-owned banks. An orgy of lending without proper collateral followed. Allegedly, Bhutto and Zardari “gave instructions for billions of rupees of unsecured government loans to be given to 50 large projects. The loans were sanctioned in the names of ‘front men’ but went to the ‘Bhutto-Zardari combine.’ ”52 Zardari suggested that such loans are “normal in the Third World to encourage industrialisation.”53
    He used 421 million rupees (about £10 million) to acquire a major interest in three new sugar mills, all done through nominees acting on his behalf. In another deal he allegedly received a 40 million rupee kickback on a contract involving the Pakistan Steel Mill, handled by two of his cronies. Along the way Zardari acquired a succession of nicknames: Mr. 5 Percent, Mr. 10 Per- cent, Mr. 20 Percent, Mr. 30 Percent, and finally, in Bhutto’s second term when he was appointed “minister of investments,” Mr. 100 Percent.
    The Pakistan government’s largest source of revenues is customs duties, and therefore evasion of duties is a national pastime. Isn’t there some way to tap into this major income stream, pretending to fight customs corruption and getting rich at the same time? Of course; we can hire a reputable (or dis- reputable, as the case may be) inspection company, have the government pay the company about a one percent fee to do price checking on imports, and get multimillion-dollar bribes paid to us upon award of the contracts. Société Générale de Surveillance (SGS), headquartered in Switzerland, and its then subsidiary Cotecna, the biggest group in the inspection business, readily agreed to this subterfuge. Letters in 1994 promised “consultancy fees,” mean- ing kickbacks, of 6 percent and 3 percent to two British Virgin Island (BVI)

    companies, Bomer Finances Inc. and Nassam Overseas Inc., controlled by Bhutto and Zardari. Payments of $12 million were made to Swiss bank ac- counts of the BVI companies.54 SGS allegedly has paid kickbacks on other in- spection contracts around the world. Upon being accused in the inspection kickback scheme, Bhutto sniffed, “I ran the government to the best of my honest ability. And I did it for nothing but acknowledgment and love.”55
    Then there was the 1994 deal to import $83 million worth of tractors from Poland. Ursus Tractors allegedly paid a 7 percent commission to an- other of Zardari’s Caribbean companies, Dargal Associated. Bhutto waived import duties on the tractors, costing the Pakistani government some 1.7 billion rupees in lost revenues. Upon discovery of this scheme the Poles has- tened to turn over 500 pages of documentation confirming the kickback.56
    The Polish tractor deal was just a warm-up for the French fighter jet deal. After the U.S. government cancelled a sale of two squadrons of F-16s, Bhutto dangled a $4 billion contract for Mirages in front of the French— Dassault Aviation; Snecma, the engine manufacturer; and Thomson-CSF, producer of aviation electronics. Without missing a beat they allegedly agreed to pay a “remuneration” of 5 percent to Marleton Business S.A., yet another of Zardari’s British Virgin Island companies.57 This would have gen- erated a tidy $200 million for the Bhutto-Zardari couple, but unfortunately for them she was driven from office before they could collect.
    Ah, but the gold deal gave some comfort to these aspiring kleptocrats. Gold is culturally important in the Asian subcontinent, in particular as a way for women to accumulate wealth. Upwards of $100 billion is invested in this unproductive asset in Pakistan, India, and surrounding countries. Smuggling is big business. Ostensibly to regulate the trade, a Pakistani bul- lion dealer in Dubai, Abdul Razzak Yaqub, asked Bhutto for an exclusive import license. In 1994, yet another Zardari offshore company, M.S. Capri- corn Trading, was created in the British Virgin Islands. Later in the year, Jens Schlegelmilch, “a Swiss lawyer who was the Bhutto family’s attorney in Eu- rope and close personal friend for more than 20 years,”58 opened an account for Capricorn Trading at the Dubai branch of Citibank. According to a
    1999 U.S. Senate report: “Mr. Schlegelmilch did not reveal to the Dubai banker that Mr. Zardari was the beneficial owner of the PIC [private invest- ment company], and the account manager never asked him the identity of the beneficial owner of the account. . . . Shortly after opening the account in Dubai, Mr. Schlegelmilch signed a standard referral agreement with

    Citibank Switzerland private bank guaranteeing him 20 percent of the first three years of client net revenues earned by the bank from each client he re- ferred to the private bank.”59 In other words, Citibank was contracting to pay a finder’s fee for millions brought in from dubious sources. Citibank went on to open three accounts in Switzerland for Zardari, with Schlegelmilch as the signatory.
    In October 1994, Citibank records show that $10 million was deposited into Capricorn’s Dubai account by Razzak Yaqub’s company, A.R.Y. Interna- tional Exchange.60 In December, Razzak Yaqub received an exclusive import license and proceeded over the next three years to ship more than $500 mil- lion in gold to Pakistan. Additional deposits flowed into the Dubai and Swiss Citibank accounts, and funds also were shifted to Citibank Channel Island subsidiaries. The original ceiling on the accounts of $40 million was reached quickly.61
    Toward the end of her second term, the Bhutto case took a bizarre turn. Representatives of the Pakistan Muslim League, an opposition party, met in
    1995 with private investigators in London who offered documentary proof from an unnamed source of Bhutto’s corruption, in return for a modest fee of $10 million. That deal was not consummated, but two years later, with Bhutto out of office and under investigation, the offer was reportedly con- cluded for $1 million.62 The documents “appeared to have been taken from the Geneva office of Jens Schlegelmilch.”63
    In 2000 Pakistan’s National Accountability Bureau, with the thankless task of investigating corruption, drew upon these documents and other sources and released details of assets and accounts belonging to Bhutto and Zardari. Even to jaded observers, the scale of their holdings was stunning: hundreds of properties, dozens of companies, and dozens of bank accounts. A partial listing of only foreign holdings reported by the National Account- ability Bureau is provided in Table 3.4.64
    Summarizing this and other documentation, the New York Times re- ported that the material included “. . . letters from executives promising payoffs, with details of the percentage payments to be made; memorandums detailing meetings at which these ‘commissions’ and ‘remunerations’ were agreed on, and certificates incorporating the offshore companies used as fronts in the deals. . . . The documents also revealed the crucial role played by Western institutions. Apart from the companies that made payoffs, and the network of banks that handled the money . . . the arrangements made by


    Country Properties/Companies Bank Accounts

    United Rockwood Estate, Surrey, 20 Barclays Bank, 3 accounts; Kingdom room mansion, 355 acres, polo National Westminster Bank;
    grounds; 4 London flats Harrods Bank; Midland Bank
    France Normandy chateau, in Crédit Agricole, 3 accounts; Zardari’s parents’ name; Banque Nationale de Paris; Banque Cannes properties La Henin
    Switzerland Union Bank of Switzerland; Barclays Bank (Geneva); Citibank (Geneva); Banque Nationale de Paris; Swiss Bank Corporation; Credit Suisse; Pictet et Cie; Banque Francaise du Commerce; Cantrade Ormond Burrus; Banque Pasha
    United Wellington Club East, Florida; Barclays Bank, New York; States India Mound, Florida; Citibank, New York;
    3 residential properties, UBS, New York
    Florida; Lapworth Investment, Florida; Intro Food, Florida; Dynatel Trading, Florida; A.S. Realty, Florida; Bon Voyage Travel, Florida
    British Bomer Finance, Mariston Virgin Securities, Marleton Business, Islands Capricorn Trading, Dargal
    Associated, Fargarita Consulting, Marvil Associated, Penbury Finance, Oxton Trading, Brinslen Investment, Climitex Holding, Elkins Holding, Minterler Invest, Silvernut Investment, Tacolen Investment, Tulerston Invest, Marledon Invest, Dustan Trading,
    Reconstruction and Development
    Finance, Nassam Alexander

    the Bhutto family for their wealth relied on Western property companies, Western lawyers and a network of Western friends.”65
    Even the Swiss finally had had enough. Seventeen bank accounts linked to Bhutto and Zardari were frozen. The two were charged with money laun- dering in connection with bribes received from the inspection company SGS and were convicted by a Swiss court in 2003, with fines and suspended prison sentences. This was short-lived; the decision was overturned and re- ferred back to cantonal prosecutors upon appeal. Meanwhile, Zardari was in prison in Pakistan from 1996 to 2004 on assorted charges.
    Bhutto, with her father executed, two brothers assassinated, her mother an amnesiac, her husband still troublesome, and she living in exile between London and Dubai, portrays herself as the victim: “I never asked for power. I think they [the Pakistani people] need me. I don’t think it’s addictive. You want to run away from it, but it doesn’t let you go. . . . I think the reason this happens is that we want to give love and we receive love.”66
    Save your tears. In the global collection of displaced leaders, Benazir
    Bhutto may be the least sympathetic character of all.

    Nawaz Sharif. While Benazir Bhutto hated the generals for executing her father, Nawaz Sharif early on figured out that they held the real power in Pakistan. His father had established a foundry in 1939 and, together with six brothers, had struggled for years only to see their business nationalized by Ali Bhutto’s regime in 1972. This sealed decades of enmity between the Bhuttos and the Sharifs. Following the military coup and General Zia’s as- sumption of power, the business—Ittefaq—was returned to family hands in
    1980. Nawaz Sharif became a director and cultivated relations with senior military officers. This led to his appointment as finance minister of Punjab and then election as chief minister of this most populous province in 1985.
    During the 1980s and early 1990s, given Sharif ’s political control of Punjab and eventual prime ministership of the country, Ittefaq Industries grew from its original single foundry into 30 businesses producing steel, sugar, paper, and textiles, with combined revenues of $400 million, making it one of the biggest private conglomerates in the nation. As in many other countries, when you control the political realm, you can get anything you want in the economic realm.
    With Lahore, the capital of Punjab, serving as the seat of the family’s

    power, one of the first things Sharif did upon becoming prime minister in
    1990 was build his long-dreamed-of superhighway from there to the capital, Islamabad. Estimated to cost 8.5 billion rupees, the project went through two biddings. Daewoo of Korea, strengthening its proposals with midnight meetings, was the highest bidder both times, so obviously it won the con- tract and delivered the job at well over 20 billion rupees.
    A new highway needs new cars. Sharif authorized importation of 50,000 vehicles duty free, reportedly costing the government $700 million in lost customs duties. Banks were forced to make loans for vehicle purchases to would-be taxi cab drivers upon receipt of a 10 percent deposit. Borrowers got their “Nawaz Sharif cabs,” and some 60 percent of them promptly defaulted. This left the banks with $500 million or so in unpaid loans. Vehicle dealers reportedly made a killing and expressed their appreciation in expected ways.
    Under Sharif, unpaid bank loans and massive tax evasion remained the favorite ways to get rich. Upon his loss of power the usurping government published a list of 322 of the largest loan defaulters, representing almost $3 billion out of $4 billion owed to banks. Sharif and his family were tagged for
    $60 million. The Ittefaq Group went bankrupt in 1993 when Sharif lost his premiership the first time. By then only three units in the group were opera- tional, and loan defaults of the remaining companies totaled some 5.7 bil- lion rupees, more than $100 million.67
    Like Bhutto, offshore companies have been linked to Sharif, three in the British Virgin Islands by the names of Nescoll, Nielson, and Shamrock68 and another in the Channel Islands known as Chandron Jersey Pvt. Ltd.69 Some of these entities allegedly were used to facilitate purchase of four rather grand flats on Park Lane in London, at various times occupied by Sharif family members. Reportedly, payment transfers were made to Banque Paribas en Suisse, which then instructed Sharif ’s offshore companies Nescoll and Nielson to purchase the four luxury suites.70
    In her second term, Benazir Bhutto had Pakistan’s Federal Investigating Agency begin a probe into the financial affairs of Nawaz Sharif and his fam- ily. The probe was headed by Rehman Malik, deputy director general of the agency. Malik had fortified his reputation earlier by aiding in the arrest of Ramzi Yousef, mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. Dur- ing Sharif ’s second term, the draft report of the investigation was sup- pressed, Malik was jailed for a year, and later reportedly survived an

    assassination attempt, after which he fled to London. The Malik report, five years in the making, was released in 1998, with explosive revelations:

    The records, including government documents, signed affidavits from Pakistani officials, bank files and property records, detail deals that Mr. Malik says benefited Mr. Sharif, his family and his political associates:

    • At least $160 million pocketed from a contract to build a highway from Lahore, his home town, to Islamabad, the nation’s capital.
    • At least $140 million in unsecured loans from Pakistan’s state banks.
    • More than $60 million generated from government rebates on sugar exported by mills controlled by Mr. Sharif and his business associates.
    • At least $58 million skimmed from inflated prices paid for im- ported wheat from the United States and Canada. In the wheat deal, Mr. Sharif ’s government paid prices far above market value to a private company owned by a close associate of his in Washing- ton, the records show. Falsely inflated invoices for the wheat gen- erated tens of millions of dollars in cash.71

    The report went on to state that “The extent and magnitude of this corrup- tion is so staggering that it has put the very integrity of the country at stake.”72 In an interview, Malik added: “No other leader of Pakistan has taken that much money from the banks. There is no rule of law in Pakistan. It doesn’t exist.”73
    What brought Sharif down in his second term was his attempt to ac- quire virtually dictatorial powers. In 1997 he rammed a bill through his compliant parliament requiring legislators to vote as their party leaders di- rected. In 1998 he introduced a bill to impose Sharia law (Muslim religious law) across Pakistan, with himself empowered to issue unilateral directives in the name of Islam. In 1999 he sought to sideline the army by replacing Chief of Staff Pervez Musharraf with a more pliable crony. He forgot the lessons he had learned in the 1980s: The army controls Pakistan and politi- cians are a nuisance. As Musharraf was returning from Sri Lanka, Sharif tried to sack him in midair and deny the Pakistan International Airways flight with 200 civilians on board landing rights in Karachi. Musharraf ra- dioed from the aircraft through Dubai to his commander in Karachi, order-

    ing him to seize the airport control tower, accomplished as the plane de- scended almost out of fuel. Musharraf turned the tables and completed his coup, and Sharif was jailed.
    But Sharif had little to fear. This, after all, is Pakistan. Musharraf needed to consolidate his power with the generals, and Sharif knew details about the corruption of most of the brass. Obviously, it is better to tread lightly around the edges of your peer group’s own thievery. So Musharraf had Sharif probed, tried, convicted, and sentenced to life in prison, but then in 2000 exiled him to Saudi Arabia. Twenty-two containers of carpets and furniture followed, and, of course, his foreign accounts remained mostly intact. En- sconced in a glittering palace in Jeddah, he is described as looking “corpu- lent” amidst “opulent” surroundings.74 Reportedly, he and Benazir Bhutto even have an occasional telephone conversation, perhaps together lamenting how unfair life has become.

    Military, Inc. The Pakistani military controls some of the largest business conglomerates in the nation and has monopolies in several areas of produc- tion and services. As chief of the army, Musharraf heads a vast empire of in- dustrial, commercial, and real estate interests worth an estimated $5 billion.75 A principal function of these businesses is to serve as a private piggy bank for the privileged military hierarchy.
    Four foundations, originally created to provide welfare for retired sol- diers, are now bloated enterprises employing tens of thousands and generat- ing hundreds of millions in annual revenues. The largest is Fauji Foundation, fauji meaning “military.” Each of the armed services has its own individual foundation: Army Welfare Trust, under Army GHQ; Bahria Foundation, under Navy HQ; and Shaheen Foundation, under Air Force HQ. The vast scope of these foundation holdings can be seen in the range of their subsidiary operations, as shown in Table 3.5.
    As for the rest of the commanding heights of the economy, what the military does not own it controls. Active or retired officers have recently or still now head the National Highway Authority, the water and power agency, the tax collection agency, Karachi Electric Supply, the Employees Old Age Benefit Institution, the Federal Public Services Commission, the National Accountability Board, and much more.76 Musharraf reportedly has ap- pointed some 500 officers to positions as chairmen, directors, agency heads, and commissioners, permeating every aspect of the economy. You cannot


    Foundation Holdings

    Fauji Foundation Fauji Cereal, Fauji Poly Propylene Products, Fauji Sugar Mills, Fauji Oil Terminal, Fauji Cement, Fauji Corn Complex,
    Fauji Kabirwala Power Company, FONGAS, Fauji Jordan
    Company, Fauji Fertilizer Company, Mari Gas Company
    Army Welfare Army Welfare Sugar Mill, Askari Housing Scheme, Army
    Trust Welfare Shoe Project, Askari Welfare Rice Mill, Army Welfare Woolen Mill, Askari Welfare Pharmaceutical Project, Army Welfare Hosiery Unit, Askari Stud Farms, Askari Commercial Bank, Askari Fish Farm, Askari Commercial Enterprises, Askari Welfare Saving Scheme, Askari Power Limited, Askari Associate Limited, Askari Information Service, Askari Leasing, Magnesite Refineries Limited, Askari Aviation
    Bahria Bahria Construction, Bahria Bakery, Bahria Holdings, Bahria
    Foundation Catering and Decoration, Bahria Dredging, Bahria Security and Systems Services, Bahria Coastal Services, Bahria Travel and Recruiting Agency, Bahria Diving and Salvage, Bahria Complexes, Bahria Shipping, Bahria Town and Housing Schemes, Bahria Ship Breaking, Bahria Farming, Bahria Harbor Services, Bahria University, Bahria Deep Sea Fishing, Falah Trading Agency, Bahria Paints
    Shaheen Shaheen Airport Services, FM-100 radio channel, Shaheen Air
    Foundation Cargo, Shaheen Knitwear, Shaheen Air International, Shaheen System, Shaheen Aerotraders, Shaheen Complex

    Source: Ayesha Siddiya-Agha, “Power, Perks, Prestige and Privileges: Military’s Economic Ac- tivities in Pakistan,” paper presented at the International Conference on Soldiers in Business, Jakarta, Indonesia, October 17–19, 2000. Also, interview with Ayesha Siddiya-Agha by the author, Washington, D.C., September 7, 2004.

    turn around in Pakistan without putting money into service coffers. With what is almost certainly the largest holdings on the Karachi Stock Ex- change77 and vast holdings outside the exchange, the military owns, con- trols, and directs the economy of the country and is not about to give it up.
    And what do rich generals do with their money? Why, they take it off- shore, just like rich politicians and rich businesspeople. Court papers have listed innumerable generals, other officers, and their family members with

    substantial foreign bank accounts. This is part of the reason why Nawaz Sharif was allowed to go into exile in Saudi Arabia; he knew their foreign holdings well.
    Pakistan’s pursuit and attainment of nuclear weapons and transfer of bomb-building components provides a frightening example of the many failings of the Pakistani state. A.Q. Khan stole centrifuge blueprints in Eu- rope and then returned home to build a secret nuclear lab near Islamabad, supported by the notorious BCCI. According to a thorough New York Times report, Dr. Khan boasted, “My long stay in Europe and intimate knowledge of various countries and their manufacturing firms was an asset.”

    Business executives and merchants, including German, Dutch and French middlemen, flocked to Pakistan to offer price lists for high-tech- nology goods and learn what Pakistan needed. The multilingual Dr. Khan led the acquisition effort. His shopping spree spanned the world. “Africa was important because of the materials needed. . . . Europe was crucial for bringing in high-tech machines and components. Dubai was the place for shipments and payments.”78

    When Khan purchased components from his willing suppliers, he bought much more than needed by Pakistan alone, apparently with the early intent of selling nuclear materials to other countries. By the late 1980s he was supplying Iran, by 1991 North Korea, and at least as early as 1997 was in negotiations with Libya. The Libyan deal leaked, caused an interna- tional uproar, and Khan was forced out of the lab bearing his name. He made a public confession and was immediately pardoned by Musharraf and allowed to keep the millions in property and cash he had accumulated in Pakistan and abroad. Reports suggest that his daughter hastened out of the country with documents and a videotape in which Khan claims that “all the chiefs of army staff since 1977, including Musharraf, were aware of his actions.”79
    The bottom line on Pakistan is that ruling elites were and continue to be thoroughly corrupted, and western business and banking sectors have in the past and continue today to service their corruption. Billions of dollars have been siphoned abroad, millions of people are deprived and uneducated, drugs move freely, terrorism finds accommodation, and nuclear sales threaten global stability.

    End of page 87

  2. The Following 6 Users Say Thank You to suave For This Useful Post:

    Double Shah (05-01-2012),  (05-01-2012), miranda (05-01-2012), moazzamniaz (05-01-2012), sarah09 (05-01-2012), Exquisite (05-02-2012)

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    mansif is offline Genius Member
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

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    koi nahi
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    Yea bazi bhook ki bazi hai...Yeah bazi tum he haro gai...Tum kitnay bhokay maro gai...Har ghar say bhooka niklay ga

    And tripl g(go ganja go)

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    despite of all these facts we still raise the slogans "je ay bhutto" and "har gher say bhutto niklay ga tum kitnay bhitto maro gay" and "dekho dekho kon aya "shair aya shair aya"" ... and yet we are true in our slogans ... ajj in choro lotairon jaisa chor aur lutera har gher say nikalt rahay hay aur in shairo jaisay haiwano nay mulk k palay kuch bhi nahi rehnay diya ...

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    sarah09 is offline Expert Member
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    mulla diesel ko to finally haiza hogaya kha kha k in ka pait kab bharega itni corruption k baad bhi agli baari ka intezaar hai

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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    Quote Originally Posted by sarah09 View Post
    mulla diesel ko to finally haiza hogaya kha kha k in ka pait kab bharega itni corruption k baad bhi agli baari ka intezaar hai
    in main say kisi ka b pait nhi bharnay wala.........

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    Double Shah's Avatar
    Double Shah is offline ان شاء اللہ ، ان شاء اللہ
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    true.face is offline Star Member
    fed up of all secular n
    moderate pies.
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    Quote Originally Posted by mansif View Post

    post 10 times more... shabash

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    justahopeus is offline Junior Member
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    ohh yaar khuda ko mano!!! kia tumharay dil par Allah Taala ne kaali stamp laga dee hai ke kuch asar nahin hota bus ek hi maala japtay rehte ho. Jab burai ka suboot mil jaey or haqeeqat samnay aa jaey to apna raasta theek kar laina chahiye , or jo nahin theek kartay woh Allah ki banai hui haqeeqat ka inkaar kartay hain , or yeh batanay ki zaroorat nahin ke is inkaar karne walon ka naam Quran ne kia rakha hai.
    Quote Originally Posted by mansif View Post

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    Exquisite's Avatar
    Exquisite is offline b0l k laB azAd hAin terY
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    servants of Allah are those
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    in politicians ka hazma bht acha hay sab kuch hazam kr k dikar b nahi letay bal k aur mangtay hain pata nahi kis hakeem ki phaki ka istemal karty hain....

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    Ath3r is offline Banned
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    Sari awam he choor hay iss liya choor hookmara'n miltay hain... 1948 say ab tak koi aik dhang ka leader nahi mila jo gaya us k janay pay khushi manaey gaey aur jo aya us k anay per bhangray dalay gaey aur ya silsila ab tak chalta araha hay aur aisay he chalta rehna hay kion k filhal koi aik bhi aisa leader nazar nahi ata jis ko qoom aur mulk ki fikar ho khud say ziada.

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    saif12121979's Avatar
    saif12121979 is offline Star Member
    pti zinda baad
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    Re: Raymond W. Baker on Zaradri and NS

    to all ihsan iqbal's dehare dar idiots

    vote 4 pakistan
    vote 4 imran khan

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